By "El Huaso" for Borderland Beat
Chihuahua state authorities seized improvised explosive devices and machinery used to produce explosives at a property in the municipality of Balleza, Chihuahua, during a raid on Thursday.
Sunday, October 11, 2026
The Eccentric Extravagances of “Captain Sol”: 12 Properties, a Penthouse in Tulum, and Casino Spending
“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat
‘Capitán Sol’—one of the individuals arrested for alleged involvement in a tax-evasion fuel-trafficking ring—spent over 60 million pesos on real estate, jewelry, and casinos, according to an investigation by the Attorney General’s Office (FGR).
‘Capitán Sol’ paid more than one million pesos via electronic transfer to purchase a penthouse in Tulum, Quintana Roo.
Miguel Ángel Solano Ruiz, aka Captain Sol led a double life. Publicly, he was a retiree from the Navy Secretariat with—by his own account—no additional income. However, the bank records of the man also known as ‘Capitán Sol’ reveal a different story.
An investigation by the Attorney General’s Office (FGR) into the tax-evasion fuel-trafficking ring—allegedly led by the Farías Laguna brothers, nephews of Rafael Ojeda Durán (former Navy Secretary under ex-President Andrés Manuel López Obrador)—reveals that ‘Capitán Sol’ spent over 60 million pesos on real estate, jewelry, and casinos.
Among his most notable purchases was a transaction at a Tiffany & Co. store, where he spent over 400,000 pesos. That was not all; ‘Capitán Sol’ held 11 bank accounts and owned 12 properties.
All these expenditures are part of the case file the FGR presented to Judge Mariana Vieyra Valdez during the hearing where it was determined that ‘Capitán Sol’ would face formal criminal proceedings.
The FGR reported that it secured a preventive detention order for ‘Capitán Sol’.
‘Capitán Sol’ was arrested on October 2 for his alleged involvement in the tax-evasion fuel-trafficking ring in Mexico.
How many properties did ‘Capitán Sol’ own, and where were they located? The FGR identified 12 properties purchased by ‘Capitán Sol,’ located across three states: six in Veracruz, four in Mexico City, and two in Sinaloa. According to the investigation, eight of these properties were acquired between 2013 and 2023.
Data gathered by the FGR indicates that Miguel Ángel Solano Ruiz spent 13,125,863 pesos on real estate. Of that amount, more than 10 million pesos were paid upfront or in cash—an indication of possible money laundering.
Based on data gathered by the FGR, Miguel Ángel ‘N’ spent 13,125,863 pesos on real estate. Of that amount, more than 10 million pesos were paid upfront or in cash—an indication of possible money laundering.
List of the 12 properties purchased by ‘Capitán Sol’
Miguel Ángel Solano Ruiz purchased four properties located in the southern area of Mexico City, according to the FGR investigation. The properties identified are as follows:
Calzada de la Virgen 207, Culhuacán Section 6 Neighborhood, Federal District, Postal Code 4480.
Calle Algodonales No. 21, Tower B, Apt. 3, Granjas Coapa Neighborhood, Postal Code 14330, Tlalpan, Mexico City.
Tenorios 7, Tower 3B, Granjas Coapa Neighborhood, Postal Code 14330, Tlalpan, Mexico City.
Manuela Sáenz 43-402, Presidentes Ejidales Neighborhood, Postal Code 04480, Coyoacán, Mexico City.
Cuauhtémoc No. 390-3, Bienestar Neighborhood, Sinaloa, Postal Code 9999.
Nav. Los Álamos Housing Complex, Apt. 204 C, Marzo and Periodistas Streets, Álamos I Neighborhood, Ahome, Sinaloa. Calle 20 de Noviembre 2127-1, Colonia Zaragoza, Veracruz, Postal Code 91910.
Laguna Ladoga 16, Col. Punta Tiburón Residencial Marina y Golf, Postal Code 95264, Alvarado, Veracruz de Ignacio de la Llave.
Laguna Tamesi 190, Col. Punta Tiburón Residencial Marina y Golf, Postal Code 95264, Alvarado, Veracruz de Ignacio de la Llave.
Paloma Colorada 6, Col. La Tranca, Postal Code 91166, Xalapa, Veracruz de Ignacio de la Llave.
Laguna Tamesí 220, Col. Punta Tiburón Residencial Marina y Golf, Postal Code 95264, Alvarado, Veracruz de Ignacio de la Llave.
Laguna Tamesi 119, Col. Punta Tiburón Residencial Marina y Golf, Postal Code 95264, Alvarado, Veracruz de Ignacio de la Llave.
The Tulum penthouse: the most striking property owned by ‘Capitán Sol’
In addition to those properties, the FGR (Attorney General's Office) discovered that ‘Capitán Sol’—arrested in early October—paid over one million pesos for a penthouse in Tulum, Quintana Roo, after analyzing transfers made by the former Navy officer.
How did ‘Capitán Sol’ spend over 52 million pesos in casinos?
Between 2015 and 2023, ‘Capitán Sol’ recorded casino expenditures totaling 52,128,239 pesos. The most striking detail is that 99.3 percent of these transactions were made in cash. According to the FGR case file, "Capitán Sol" carried out these transactions at casinos such as Telest, Perisur Yak, and Big Bola Santa Fe.
Mexican authorities state that such operations could indicate money laundering within casinos. The process works as follows: large amounts of illicit cash are deposited to purchase gambling chips, a minimum bet is placed, and a refund is then requested.
"Capitán Sol’s" other expenses: credit cards, travel, and phone lines
In addition to real estate and casino activity, the FGR documented that "Capitán Sol" spent over 6 million pesos on credit cards. Concurrently, he recorded income via cashier's checks totaling more than 5 million pesos between 2020 and 2022, triggering alerts for suspicious transactions.
Furthermore, Miguel Ángel Solano Ruiz accumulated thousands of air miles through 30 international trips between 2012 and 2025, along with dozens—perhaps hundreds—of domestic flights within Mexico; the FGR notes that this clearly "exceeds his earnings as a salaried employee."
Sources: El Financiero, Borderland Beat Archives
Friday, October 9, 2026
Veracruz Mafia vs. CJNG: The Fight for Veracruz
“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat
Veracruz has become the stage for a constant struggle for territorial control. On one side is the "Veracruz Mafia"—also known as *Grupo Sombra*—which has maintained a presence in the region. On the other is the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, which seeks to expand southeastward and has clashed directly with them. In this video, I explain how this conflict arose and what has been happening in the area.
To understand how this war began, one must delve into the inner workings and history of this local cartel. It all started in December 2017 in the northern municipalities of Tuxpan and Poza Rica. At the time, they did not present themselves as the "Veracruz Mafia"; instead, they burst onto the public scene under the name *Grupo Sombra* (Shadow Group) Special Forces.
This organization originated as an armed splinter group that betrayed the Gulf Cartel and adopted the tactical methods formerly used by *Los Zetas*. Their initial goal was to seize control of routes in the northern part of the state, capitalizing on the power vacuum left by major historical cartels. Detailed military intelligence reports identified Francisco Mendiola Cisneros—known in the criminal underworld as *Comandante Miranda*, *El Miranda*, or *El Patrón*—as the supreme leader and founder of this structure.
Over the years, *Grupo Sombra*'s power grew exponentially. Internal reports from the Secretariat of National Defense revealed that they expanded from operating in just two municipalities in 2017 to controlling territory and maintaining operational cells in over 52 municipalities across Veracruz. This means they have an active presence in nearly a quarter of the entire state.
Upon consolidating this criminal empire, they decided to change their official name to the "Veracruz Mafia." This rebranding was no coincidence; they did it to instill greater psychological terror in the public, unify all their cells under a single banner, and fortify their borders against the advance of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel.
As one of the world's wealthiest criminal organizations, the CJNG seeks to expand its monopoly by destroying regional cartels, turning Veracruz into a permanent battleground for control of the Gulf of Mexico. The war between the CJNG and the Veracruz mafia is being waged on two fronts: through armed street attacks and via a bloody propaganda campaign on social media.
The Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) is executing a large-scale, militarized invasion strategy. They dispatch convoys of heavily armed, improvised armored trucks—equipped with .50-caliber Barrett rifles capable of piercing patrol vehicles and body armor—to the area, allowing them to advance rapidly into northern territories. The CJNG has allied with extremely violent local gangs, such as "Los Piñas," establishing camps and leaving a trail of clandestine graves across the state's southern and central rural areas as a means of "disappearing" their rivals.
For its part, the Veracruz mafia leverages the home-field advantage, possessing intimate knowledge of every road, hideout, and network. Their defensive tactics involve the symbolic display of terror: hanging banners bearing highly aggressive messages, using Molotov cocktails to torch the businesses of those who support their enemies, and filming videos brandishing long guns to sow panic.
They recently issued a statement warning of a total purge against any CJNG cell attempting to cross into their municipalities, while directly demanding that state security forces not intervene in the conflict—or face the consequences. This dispute has transcended geographical boundaries; clashes have shifted from northern rural roads to the main avenues of key cities like Xalapa (the state capital) and even southern port areas such as Coatzacoalcos.
One of the most high-profile and shocking incidents in this conflict took place on the state highway connecting Poza Rica and Cazones, near the municipality of Papantla. There, members of the Veracruz mafia intercepted and executed three alleged operatives from the opposing faction, abandoning their remains on the roadway alongside a massive banner bearing direct threats.
However, what triggered the highest level of alarm among security agencies wasn’t the physical violence, but the sophisticated level of espionage and control the local group demonstrated on the ground. On that banner, the Veracruz mafia wrote a detailed blacklist containing more than 30 license plate numbers, as well as the exact colors, makes, and models of vehicles that—according to their criminal intelligence—the Jalisco New Generation Cartel uses to covertly deploy its operatives.
With this move, the local cartel demonstrated to its rivals that it has eyes and lookouts—known as *halcones*—monitoring gas stations, hotels, restaurants, auto repair shops, and the entry and exit points of every municipality around the clock. The banner served as a criminal checkpoint, making it clear that no suspicious vehicle could travel through northern Veracruz without being detected by their network of informants, thereby proving that the war is fought not just with bullets, but through intelligence and surveillance.
Fighting a financial behemoth like the Jalisco New Generation Cartel requires a vast number of gunmen; to meet this need, the Veracruz mafia implemented one of its most sinister strategies: forced recruitment via online deception, exploiting the lack of jobs and the economic desperation of families in the region. Criminals post fake advertisements on social media and local job boards, offering positions with high salaries and attractive benefits—such as private security guard, armored car guard, or personal bodyguard roles—with minimal requirements and immediate hiring.
Yet, when young people or heads of households arrive, hoping to secure honest work to support their families, these appointments turn into ambushes. Armed men trick them, force them into trucks, and strip them of their belongings, cell phones, and identification. They are then transported to clandestine camps hidden on abandoned ranches or in the mountainous areas of the state's north. There, under threats to kill their parents, spouses, or children, they are completely cut off from the outside world and forced to undergo military and heavy-weaponry training.
Official investigations have revealed that conditions in these camps are brutal. Recruits who refuse to cooperate, attempt to escape, or fail to withstand the grueling physical training are subjected to extreme torture or executed in front of their peers, compelling the rest to obey the cartel's orders out of sheer terror. To grasp the severity of this conflict, one need only look at three recent cases that shook the national agenda due to their brutality.
The first involved the total subjugation of the transport sector. In municipalities such as Álamo, Mapache, and Poza Rica, the Veracruz mafia launched a campaign of terror against taxi drivers, forcing them to pay steep extortion fees or work as involuntary informants reporting on the movements of the army and the CJNG. Irma Hernández Cruz, a 61-year-old taxi driver and retired teacher, refused to cooperate. She was kidnapped and—under torture—forced to record a video warning her colleagues that they had to pay the mafia’s fee; she was subsequently murdered.
The impact of this crime was so profound that it prompted the immediate resignation of the municipality's security director. The second case occurred within the prison system, specifically at the Tuxpan penitentiary. The Veracruz mafia’s infiltration was so deep that, in collusion with prison authorities, the criminal group extorted forced payments from the inmates themselves—ranging from 5,000 to 200,000 pesos per month—in exchange for sparing their lives. This situation led to such extreme frustration that it ignited a bloody riot involving cell fires, resulting in the tragic deaths of eight inmates before the government could regain control of the facility.
The third case was the murder of journalist Roxana Guzmán. After being kidnapped, her body was found weeks later at a ranch in Moloacán that was being used as a criminal operations hub. While investigating the crime, federal forces uncovered an alarming network of complicity: active-duty municipal police officers from Ixhuatlán del Sureste were working directly for the Veracruz mafia, supplying them with government-issued weapons and patrol vehicles, and tipping them off about military operations. This discovery led to the arrest of several police officers and key regional bosses—identified by the government as Delta 1 and Delta 7—as well as the recent capture in Coatzacoalcos of another major operative known as "La Princess," who is linked to the murder of a political coordinator.
Source: MrCreppBoyy
Former Michoacán Official Used AI for Extortion: Here's How They Cloned the Voices of Politicians and Ministers
“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat
He is believed to have been heading an extortion ring that used artificial intelligence. It wasn't just an ordinary citizen; it was a former official from Michoacán, along with police officers and family members. They have just been arrested.
Leopoldo Espejel, how are you?
Good morning. How are you, Susana?
Very good morning.
Indeed, they were arrested as part of the national strategy against extortion—carried out by the State of Mexico Prosecutor's Office and the federal security cabinet. The group included Luis Miranda Contreras—who served as Secretary of Finance under former Michoacán Governor Fausto Vallejo—along with his two children, his wife, and a bodyguard.
This man had previously faced legal proceedings for embezzlement in 2017 involving 26.8 million pesos. He and his family members would impersonate politicians from various institutions—ranging from the Office of the President and the Supreme Court of Justice to state governors and mayors.
Their *modus operandi* involved impersonating the voices of public officials to build trust—primarily with other officials, politicians, and businesspeople—by using artificial intelligence to mimic figures such as Lázaro Cárdenas Batel, Olga Sánchez Cordero, and Horacio Duarte, among other political personalities.
The scheme was uncovered through intelligence-led monitoring. During conversations with victims, the group would obtain confidential data—either from the agencies they oversaw or from other officials—as well as information regarding political or economic operations. They later used this data to impersonate others and extort money from their victims, primarily in cash.
Authorities identified that, to access victims' information and gain their trust, the group frequently posed as private secretaries; they would contact the victims and offer incentives—such as promotions or candidacies—to lure the people they intended to extort. They were arrested during an operation in the municipality of Metepec, State of Mexico, where authorities seized cell phones, multiple SIM cards, and high-end vehicles.
The six individuals have already been formally charged with extortion, and investigations are ongoing to unravel the entire corruption network in which this subject was involved. To reiterate, he was a high-ranking public official in Michoacán—specifically the Secretary of Finance under Governor Fausto Vallejo. Vallejo was a member of the PRI, then Morena—well, yes, Morena—and the PRD.
We also recall the very close relationship between Fausto Vallejo’s son—nicknamed "El Gerber," if I recall correctly—and "La Tuta," the leader of the Knights Templar. La Tuta is now in the United States, having been extradited through cooperation with the Mexican government. Fausto Vallejo’s son even appeared in videos having a very cordial conversation with Cervando Gómez Martínez—though it was later claimed he had been forced to go.
That is the context of the Fausto Vallejo administration: a direct relationship with the Knights Templar, with the governor's children—or at least Rodrigo Vallejo Mora—implicated in the matter. Now, the Secretary of Finance—who clearly learned the ropes well—has been arrested for engaging in extortion; it is just the tip of the iceberg, Polo.
Yes, exactly. Sucena is a good example—regarding his political mentor—and the investigation also establishes that at least 19 high-end phones of various types were used to make calls and send messages; records show these phones were used with SIM cards seized at the time of his arrest, and they match the numbers reported by some of the victims.
So, the investigation will continue to see where it leads. Well, I suppose the cell phones were registered—heavily registered, really—since all citizens were forced to register them. So, if they are registered, then the authorities need to go after the criminals. And if they aren't registered—or if they haven't been deactivated—then we’re being misled by this whole cell phone registration system. We shall see. Alright, thanks.
Source: Grupo Fórmula
Fight at Mazatlán Prison Leaves 10 Dead: A 2-Year-Old Boy Died During a Family Visit
“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat
A two-year-old boy died following a brawl yesterday at the El Castillo prison in Mazatlán. This clash, which broke out inside the El Castillo Penitentiary Center—located south of Mazatlán—left ten people dead, including the two-year-old boy who was visiting with his family; sixteen inmates were injured.
The incident occurred yesterday morning when gunfire was reported inside the prison, specifically near Module 4, before spreading to other areas of the El Castillo facility. The emergency triggered a major security operation involving Navy personnel—who deployed a helicopter to fly over the area—as well as Army troops, the National Guard’s riot squad, and police officers from various agencies.
Amidst the deployment, ambulances were constantly entering and leaving the prison to transport the injured for medical care. The Secretary of Public Security, Sinuhé Téllez López, ruled out the possibility that armed outsiders had entered the prison. He noted that they are investigating the possibility that the inmates themselves possessed firearms and fired at one another; in fact, two firearms were seized.
It was confirmed that the two-year-old boy was the son of a woman who had gone to visit her husband; she had left the child there while she went to pick up her other child from school. As a preventive measure, visits have been suspended, and the Sinaloa Attorney General's Office is conducting the corresponding investigation, Azucena.
Where did the weapons come from? That is the question, isn't it? Because this has happened before—at the Badiraguato facility and other prisons—yet the tragedy keeps repeating itself. Hold on a moment, Felicitos. We are going to try speaking with an official again; meanwhile, Yos Trujillo, we continue with you regarding this brawl—or rather, this riot and shootout—that took place at the El Castillo Penitentiary in Mazatlán, Sinaloa.
Ten people died: nine inmates and a child, barely two years old, who was visiting his mother—since it was a visitation day. How did those weapons get in there? That is the eternal question. How do inmates continue to communicate with the outside world via cell phones and internet access? That is the age-old question.
And well, this is the first major challenge—among many in Sinaloa—facing interim governor Graciela Domínguez. She isn't answering calls, nor are the secretary or the prosecutor; in short, they are banking on the public forgetting about it. But ten deaths is madness, and there needs to be an explanation as to how those weapons got there. Exactly.
In fact, Public Security Secretary Cinete López stated yesterday, upon leaving the penitentiary, that investigations were underway to determine exactly how the weapons were brought in—specifically, whether prison staff facilitated their entry. For the time being, however, two 9mm weapons have been seized. The incident—or the shootout—reportedly began in Module 4 and spread to Module 5.
It is unclear, Azucena, exactly where this two-year-old boy was located. It was confirmed only that his mother had left him there with his father—it was a visitation day—and the circumstances remain unknown; the child died as a result of the gunfire. Authorities are currently investigating, and there will likely be constant searches—much like those at the Culiacán prison, where weapons continue to be found despite regular inspections.
It is worth noting that no firearms have been detected recently, at least not at the Culiacán facility. Now, however, searches at the Mazatlán prison are set to intensify. Regarding the recent violence, Azucena, there were ten deaths in that specific incident, but the state total reached eighteen. There were various murders outside the prison in Mazatlán as well—a woman and two men killed—plus five here in Culiacán, bringing the total to eighteen. For the third consecutive day, Sinaloa ranks first nationwide for homicides.
There were eight yesterday, seven the day before, and that is how things have been going. Today, the governor has an agenda in Escuinapa—another area where violence has been intense, particularly regarding the murder of women; the state's death toll for women has now surpassed one hundred. She will be inaugurating a "peace initiative" and leading a justice and security roundtable for women in Escuinapa.
Well, I would tell the secretary that he doesn't need to investigate much. And I say this not because you or I are experts, but really—how do the weapons get in? Because of corrupt individuals, because of corruption, because people turn a blind eye, because there is complicity. How else would weapons get in? Why do we try to fool ourselves? It’s very simple. It’s very simple. How do cell phones get in? How do knives and sharp weapons get in? How do firearms get in? Because of corrupt individuals—because they are colluding with criminals, or perhaps because they are being threatened. There are many explanations, but they all point to corruption and impunity, since there is no punishment. I assume the Secretary knows this, right?
So, let’s not be fed a line about how "we’re going to investigate." How did it get in? It’s very simple: when you enter a prison, you get searched from head to toe. I don’t know if women are still required to wear specific clothing—certain skirts or shoes—but they undergo rigorous searches; the same goes for men. So how do these weapons get through?
Come on, really? Let’s stop fooling ourselves and stop trying to read tea leaves. Well, let’s see what they say later on. Thanks for your report. We’ll stay tuned. Have a great day. And it’s not just about watching out for external threats—like those artificial intelligence laws targeting political cartoonists and commentators—we need to watch out for what’s happening *inside*. Who do you think was was heading an extortion ring using artificial intelligence? Not an ordinary citizen, but a former official from Michoacán, along with police officers and family members.
The Secretary of Public Security, Sinuhé Téllez López
Sources: Grupo Fórmula, Borderland Beat Archives
Wednesday, October 7, 2026
The Jalisco Cartel: At Its Weakest Point in History
“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat
The autumn of 2026 is shaping up to be a historic moment. In the 16 years of the CJNG’s existence, it has never been this weak. It possesses the fragility of a vigorous body that suddenly discovers it is suffering from a serious illness: a year ago, it was the most important criminal group in the world, yet within ten months, it is exposing its open wounds.
The year 2026 began well for the "four letters" (CJNG): key figures like "El Limones" (of the Los Cabrera Sarabia faction), "Jaguar" (of Los Mayos), and "Sagitario" (of the Guasave cartel) had recently fallen. The Gulf and Santa Rosa de Lima cartels were also suffering losses. The *Jaliscos*, by contrast, remained robust.
But the year was barely twenty days old when the first spasms of trouble struck: Armando Gómez—the fearsome chief of the CJNG’s "Los Deltas" unit—was handed over to the U.S. in an expedited transfer that also included financial operator María del Rosario Navarro, known as "La Señora."
On February 22, the most violent news arrived: the head was suddenly severed from the body. "Mencho," the supreme leader, was killed in Tapalpa, Jalisco, alongside his bodyguards—including the son of "Tío Lako."
Just 64 days later, Audias Flores—alias "Jardinero," who had been tipped as Mencho’s successor—was arrested. The task of healing the wounded body fell to Nemesio’s stepson, Juan Carlos Valencia, who began the job facing a crushing blow from Washington: a $25 million bounty on his head.
The agony hasn’t ceased since: "Güero Conta," "Checo," "60," "R1," and "Señor de la T" have all been detained. At least 18 regional bosses (*jefes de plaza*) have been taken down. The leadership appears paralyzed: "Tío Lako" is in hiding, as are "Sapo," "Tarjetas," and "Firma." And without Mencho, the cartel loses an armed wing every month. The latest blow came this Monday: "Tanque"—the cartel’s regional boss for Veracruz, Oaxaca, Tabasco, and Puebla—was taken down. He is not merely a founding member of the CJNG but also a wealthy financier of fuel theft (*huachicol*), the cartel’s liaison to the Gulf of Mexico business community, and the alleged head of a corruption network reportedly involving brothers Luis Alberto and Amílcar Olán Aparicio. A political kingpin like few others.
It is a historic autumn: the once-formidable CJNG is weakening before our very eyes.
Source: Milenio
Mexican Cartels Send Members to Ukraine for Drone Training
"Sol Prendido" for Borderland Beat
Until now, there was no clear reason why the United States applies an additional screening process for Mexicans who have set foot in Ukraine within the last four years, but this might be the explanation. Milenio gained access to a national intelligence document documenting that cartel members have traveled to Ukraine—and, naturally, not with good intentions. Members of organized crime groups go there to train, for instance, in drone operation.
Mexican cartel members are reportedly traveling to Ukraine to pose as war volunteers and receive training in the operation of high-tech drones. The goal: to return to Mexico and use that knowledge against authorities, civilians, and rival criminal organizations.
The information comes from a report by the National Intelligence Center that was sent to the Security Service of Ukraine after the presence of Mexicans and Colombians—allegedly linked to the Jalisco and Sinaloa cartels—was detected.
According to the document, they are seeking training in the operation of FPV (First-Person View) drones, which allow the operator to view—in real time and through special goggles—the exact images captured by the device's camera, creating the sensation of being on board.
One of the cases under investigation involves a Mexican national known by the alias "Águila 7." He reportedly entered Ukraine in March 2024 using a fake Salvadoran identity, posing as a humanitarian volunteer. He subsequently completed a drone training course in the city of Lviv.
The Ukrainian instructors reportedly determined that the subject already possessed advanced technical knowledge, such as the operation of analog transmitters, the identification of blind spots in thermal imaging systems, and electronic countermeasures.
The investigation also established that one of the Mexicans who arrived in the country from Eastern Europe—a region currently at war with Russia—had reportedly received training with the Mexican Army's Special Forces Airmobile Group.
The interest in FPV drones is significant. In Ukraine, they are used for reconnaissance and attack missions—including fiber-optic controlled models, which ensure a constant connection with the operator and offer greater resistance to signal jammers. In Mexico, cartels are already using commercial drones for surveillance and, in some cases, to transport and drop explosives. Intelligence reports reveal an even more dangerous shift:
They are no longer just looking to buy the technology; they are seeking to recruit personnel with military experience and expertise gained directly in war zones. Proficiency in piloting FPV drones, conducting reconnaissance, managing transmissions, and employing techniques to evade electronic warfare are key skills that, according to Mexican intelligence, could end up in the hands of Mexican criminals.
Source: Milenio
Tuesday, October 6, 2026
Iván Cazarín Molina, alias “El Tanque”, Alleged CJNG Operator Active in Several States, Arrested
“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat
Breaking news: Omar García Harfuch, Secretary of Security and Citizen Protection, announced the arrest of Iván Cazarín Molina, alias “El Tanque”—identified as an alleged regional operator for the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, with activities in Veracruz, Oaxaca, Tabasco, and Puebla.
Via his X account, he detailed that the arrest resulted from a joint operation involving the Secretariat of National Defense, the Secretariat of Security and Citizen Protection, and the National Guard.
The operation was carried out by Mexican Army Special Forces and the SSP’s Operations Group, utilizing intelligence from the National Intelligence Center and investigative work by agents from the SSP and the Criminal Investigation Agency of the Attorney General's Office, who tracked his movements and located him.
Investigations link him to homicide, extortion, unlawful deprivation of liberty, hydrocarbon theft, money laundering, and drug trafficking. He is also implicated in the 2015 attack on a Mexican Army helicopter in Jalisco, which claimed the lives of Army and Federal Police personnel.
He was arrested in the act, and authorities seized a vehicle, a firearm, and various drugs. In September 2024, the U.S. Department of the Treasury sanctioned him for his ties to the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, identifying him as a member of the inner circle of Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes—alias "El Mencho"—a process that involved information sharing with the DEA.
He will be turned over to the Specialized Prosecutor's Office for Organized Crime. And I repeat: this is breaking news released by the Secretary of Security and Protection, Omar García Harfuch.
Source: NMás
Monday, October 5, 2026
Four Killed in Bar Massacre in Zamora, Michoacán
By "El Huaso" for Borderland Beat
Five were killed and three more were injured after armed men opened fire inside "El Quijote", a bar in Las Fuentes neighborhood of Zamora, Michoacán on Friday night.
“Here, We Confront Drug Traffickers Daily… And The U.S.?”
“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat
Rebuttal. Sheinbaum Asks What Work is Being Done There to Stop the Cartels: “I Would Like to See a Report From Them.”
President Claudia Sheinbaum reiterated that Mexico “doesn’t need support from abroad” because it is a “sovereign country,” and stated that she would like to see a report showing what the United States has done within its own territory to combat drug trafficking and drug consumption.
“We do not need to be judged from the outside; we know what Mexico’s problems are, we take action every day, and we report on it. We handle things here, but what is happening over there? I would like to see a report from the [US] government itself regarding what it is doing and the results achieved,” she said during her morning press conference at the National Palace.
“Where is the work being done to stop cartels or drug distributors in the United States? What is happening with money laundering there? Because we in Mexico are taking action,” she asked.
The President recalled a corruption case involving DEA agents in the neighboring country who allowed the sale of fentanyl in the state of New Mexico.
“The other day, we highlighted a very serious corruption case in the United States; fortunately, action was taken—just as we have done when there is evidence of officials linked [to crime], regardless of their political party.”
Sheinbaum insisted that drug consumption is a matter of public health and youth outreach, and questioned whether Washington takes a critical view of the opioid crisis stemming from prescription medications that it is facing.
“No one agrees with drugs being produced here to be taken to the United States, and we must work to prevent that from happening; but what about those consuming drugs there? Why is there this opioid crisis that stems primarily from medications that were authorized?” she noted. Sheinbaum’s comments follow remarks by her U.S. counterpart, Donald Trump, stating that Mexico must take additional measures against narco-terrorist organizations and arrest officials who have aided and abetted the cartels.
“We decide our own destiny”
In Tlaxcala, the President reiterated that Mexico “does not need foreign support, because we are a free and sovereign country.”
While visiting the state as part of the tour for her second report, Sheinbaum asserted the need to remember the past in order to appreciate how much progress has been made, recalling the various times foreign nations have sought to undermine the country's sovereignty.
She explained that following the Revolution and the assassination of Francisco I. Madero, General Venustiano Carranza—alongside other figures of the independence movement—defended Mexico against foreign interference.
“They said: ‘We do not need foreign support; we are a free and sovereign country. There may be a Revolution, but it is we Mexicans who decide our own destiny,’” the President recalled.
Source: Milenio
Sunday, October 4, 2026
Who Are "Los Cromos"—The CJNG's Criminal Arm In The Isthmus of Oaxaca—And How Do They Operate?
"Sol Prendido" for Borderland Beat
In Oaxaca, the Isthmus zone is under siege by "Los Cromos," a criminal arm of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel. Who are they? How do they operate? Los Cromos—the criminal gang spearheading the Jalisco New Generation Cartel's operations in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec region of Oaxaca—hold not only territorial control over the area but political control as well.
Emilio Montero Pérez—former Director General of the State Institute of Public Education of Oaxaca and former mayor of Juchitán de Zaragoza—is believed to be the faction's principal leader, although no official investigation into the matter has been made public. Alongside him is Rafael de Jesús Álvarez Palma (alias "Fallo" or "Commander Renco"), who is currently under investigation by authorities.
The second tier of command includes the former mayor of Juchitán de Zaragoza, Miguel Sánchez Altamirano (alias "Quetu"), who was arrested on September 23. At this same level is Iván Sánchez Santiago (alias "Cromo"), who is currently a fugitive. The latter is identified as a direct cartel "Plaza" boss, as is the former municipal secretary of Juchitán, Mariano Rosado López—"Quetu's" alternate—who is also a fugitive.
At a third operational level are Carlos Alberto (alias "La Parka"), arrested alongside Sánchez Altamirano, and the former public security commissioner for the Juchitán municipality, John Keny Moreno Segura, who was arrested on September 24. Just days earlier—on September 21, prior to his arrest—Miguel Sánchez Altamirano (alias "Quetu") was seen in public with Emilio Montero.
According to David Saucedo, a specialist in security and organized crime, Montero—the alleged leader of Los Cromos—entered politics to promote local elections in exchange for protection. What they did was steer government decisions to benefit the interests of their respective criminal groups. They maintained control over municipalities by handing the reins to criminal leaders who were also aligned with their own criminal agenda.
Essentially, what we have is a system of criminal governance. When crime infiltrates political structures to this extent, it is impossible for a governor not to be aware of it and involved in the scheme, even if they publicly claim to be fighting these groups. Unfortunately, many governors in the southeast—including Governor Salomón Jara—prefer to strike deals with criminal mafias rather than fight them, because these mafias play a role in electoral processes.
We are not just talking about drug trafficking gangs or human traffickers; these are groups that enjoy a base of social support. "Los Cromos" have been operating in the Isthmus region for four years. They concentrate their illicit activities in Oaxacan municipalities such as Juchitán de Zaragoza, Salina Cruz, Tehuantepec, Ciudad Ixtepec, El Espinal, and Unión Hidalgo.
They are the primary drivers of violence in the region, linked to crimes such as extortion, the levying of "protection fees" on construction companies working on the Interoceanic Corridor, migrant smuggling, retail drug dealing, and homicide. The State Attorney General's Office reported that approximately 70% of the nearly 1,000 intentional homicides recorded in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec over the last four years are linked to "Los Cromos."
Source: Imagen Noticias
Saturday, October 3, 2026
Five Bodies Dumped in Tlalnepantla, Morelos
By "El Huaso" for Borderland Beat
Five corpses were found next to the Xochimilco-Oaxtepec federal highway, by the Los Nogales area, municipality of Tlalnepantla, on the border with the State of Mexico.
Friday, October 2, 2026
Navy Marina Uncovers a Network of 400 Gambling Operations Linked to Organized Crime
“Sol Prendido” for Borderland Beat
Officials from the Secretariat of the Navy announced the arrest of Miguel Ángel Solano Ruiz, aka "Captain Sol" and "O Mike"—who, according to a statement from the agency, was subject to an arrest warrant for his alleged involvement in organized crime related to fuel theft.
The capture was the result of investigative work and coordination with the FGR (Attorney General's Office) and the Secretariat of Security and Citizen Protection in Zapopan, Jalisco. The FGR identifies this man as a member of the "Los Primos" criminal organization.
According to investigations, authorities detected around 400 gambling transactions, in which Miguel Ángel Solano Ruiz spent over 52 million pesos. Also, in 2025, he purchased jewelry worth more than 400,000 pesos. Furthermore, between 2018 and 2025, he spent more than 6 million pesos on credit cards.
Source: Milenio
Thursday, October 1, 2026
Armando Maldonado Lozoya “Chivo" of La Linea Arrested In Ciudad Juárez
By "El Huaso" for Borderland Beat
Five days after his arrest by the Mexican Navy, authorities announced the capture of Armando Maldonado Lozoya “Chivo" or "El Senor de Los Cuernos", a hitman commander for La Linea, an armed wing of the Cartel de Juárez.
FPV Drones Seized by Mexican Army in Concordia, Sinaloa
By "El Huaso" for Borderland Beat
The Mexican Army seized several First Person View (FPV) drones along with 12,000 cartridges, long guns, magazines, and tactical equipment during two operations carried out in the rural area of the municipality of Concordia, Sinaloa on September 28.
