Borderland Beat posted by DD republished from Narco News
Community Police in Guerrero’s Costa Chica Region to Celebrate 19 Years of a Better Way to Combat Crime and Corruption
Welcome to San Luis Acatlan |
The original community police movement of Guerrero
continues to provide a positive and hopeful example of how people can organize
from below and improve their safety and security when the national, state and
local governments will not do so. Its work should also be part of the national
and international conversation today over the tragic events and injustices for
which the state has received so much recent attention.
Here is the report from Olivera
and Berger of what they learned from Guerrero’s community police movement. – Al
Giordano
Rays of hot sun trickled through the branches of mango trees whose dangling
fruit was nearly ripe and ready to fall. Around 80 civilians and a small group
of police were gathered within a quarter of an acre of fenced off land, waiting
to see what might happen next. Among the women and men gathered were indigenous Mixtec and Tlaponec people. Civilians from the Afro-Mexican towns along the nearby coastline and other mixed-race people were also present. The civilians far outnumbered the young men from the police force, who stood stone-faced and serious.
The Costa Chica has a long and sad history of violence and inequality. Relations among the state’s various ethnic groups have not always been harmonious, and many hot, tense mornings such as these have ended in tragedy. There have been several massacres by police and military forces against civilians, some well documented, others barely known to the public.
But what was happening on this morning was no standoff, and what was occurring was far from a tragedy. Despite the tension in the air, the mood was relaxed, and some people were doubled over in stitches, laughing and telling jokes to each other.
The officers who stood among the civilians were from an extraordinary police force. The plot of land where they stood is the site of the “House of Justice” of the town of San Luis Acatlan, home to the community police force known as the Regional Coordinating Committee of Community Authorities – Community Police, the CRAC-PC for its initials in Spanish.
This
all-volunteer police force has nearly eradicated crime in the region,
performing civic functions that official government police forces in the rest
of the state have been unwilling or unable to do. The 80 civilians present had
been sent by their communities to form a civilian buffer to protect the House
of Justice and the community police from seizure by an opposing group allegedly
allied with the state government. Ordinary people had arrived not to confront the
police, but to protect them.
It
is not very often that unarmed civilians organize themselves to defend the
police. But the CRAC-PC is no ordinary police force.
These officers carry low-caliber weapons for police work that fire buck shot
barely capable of downing a bird from a tree. The power of this movement does
not reside in their tools. It comes from the organization, the resolve, and the
discipline of its civilian support base. And it comes from a collective effort
to rehabilitate violent criminals through community work projects.
It
is a project that has been built slowly and firmly over the course of many
years.
We
went to the “House of Justice” in San Luis Acatlan to talk to members of the
organization’s civilian support base. It is a place where representatives of
communities that participate in the CRAC-PC come to
meet, debate, and make decisions.
The
CRAC-PC was founded on October 15, 1995, at a time when
crime rates had soared to intolerable heights throughout the indigenous
communities of the mountainous Costa Chica region of Guerrero, Mexico. But
Armando Zavala, a longtime supporter of the CRAC-PC,
believes that the foundations for this experiment in self-governance were laid
years earlier, when indigenous communities throughout Mexico organized to
disrupt the 500th anniversary celebration of the arrival of Christopher
Columbus in the Americas.
Oscar Olivera (co-author) with two founding members of the CRAC |
Don
Armando was one of the organizers of a Mixtec indigenous delegation that
traveled to Mexico City. Many tens of thousands of indigenous people from more
than 50 of Mexico’s ethnic groups convened on the nation’s capital.
“The
State of Guerrero was one of the most organized, with one of the largest
delegations in the event. We brought 20 of our best brass bands with us,” he
recalls.
As
a result of the indigenous convergence, President Salinas de Gortari was forced
to cancel several events. The Guerrero delegation returned to their communities
better organized than they had been before.
“That is why we were able to build
the community police,” he says. “There was a solid and organized base of
people, Tlaponecs, Mixtecs, and also mixed race and Afro-Mexican people.”
The
organized towns of the Costa Chica had a long list of concerns that required
the new police force’s attention. But in the mid-1990s, dealing with
intolerable crime and corruption was the most urgent priority.
Guadalupe
Garcia, a coordinator of Sustainable Development for the CRAC-PC,
remembers how the CRAC-PC was founded in his hometown
of Cuanacastitlan, not far from San Luis Acatlan. “You couldn’t take your crops
or merchandise anywhere, because criminals would rob you and the government
police would not do anything. Women were raped, and people began to keep their
doors shut.”
The
people of Cuanacastitlan decided they had to do something about this violence,
and were emboldened by events in the neighboring Chiapas state in January 1994.
The Zapatista Army of National
Liberation (EZLN in Spanish) led an indigenous insurrection against Mexico’s authoritarian,
one-party regime. Although the EZLN began as an armed
movement, one of its biggest achievements to date has been to inspire
nonviolent actions led by indigenous groups throughout Mexico to address the
serious issues affecting their communities.
Cuanacastitlan
soon had its own team of civilian police. Another community followed, and soon
there were five communities with their own police. In 1995 the new civilian
police agencies unified their efforts and established the House of Justice in
San Luis Acatlan. However, the birth of the new organization led to new
challenges.
“We
asked ourselves, what should we do with the criminals we catch?” says Don
Guadalupe.
"When they handed them over to the government police, they would pay
a bribe and be set free. So they held an assembly to determine what to do.
“There
were people that wanted to burn them alive, but in the public assembly we
decided that we had to look for a way to teach these people to work for the
good of the community, and to realize that what they were doing was wrong.”
Instead of punishment, the assembly opted for a system of restorative justice.
“What
would happen if we were able to train prisoners to dig wells, collect
rainwater, plant organic vegetables, and use the Internet to find new markets
for their crops?” wondered Don Guadalupe. “That way they can feed themselves
when they are released.”
Figuring
out the rules to the community justice system led to more questions: “What
should be the rules for the reeducation process? How long should the prisoners
be kept?”
The
people in the towns now known as “communal territory” created formal rules for
their system. They named representatives from each community, and gradually a
formal democratic structure to govern the CRAC-PC began to take shape.
Local coordinators listened to new ideas and discussed them with regional
representatives. The ideas that were approved by these authorities were
discussed in regional assemblies in which the entire population was invited to
attend.
Through
this process, the CRAC-PC also created rules for selecting
and training police officers. Each community elects its own police officers for
a designated term. Officers receive no salary or formal compensation. Although
women have been active participants in the creation of the CRAC-PC’s system, all
officers are still men, for now.
Officers patrol the countryside, but also have
personnel at the Houses of Justice in each community to respond to emergencies
or to hear and resolve conflicts. Corruption is not tolerated, and violators
are subject to the same detention and re-education process as other criminals.
Many
of the CRAC-PC’s duties involve
solving complex social problems that affect the community. One legal advisor to
the CRAC-PC told us of a
community alongside a river suffering from high rates of alcoholism and
domestic violence. The local coordinators decided to ban sales of alcohol in
the town. But local residents in search of a drink simply waded across the
river and bought liquor at the neighboring village. On one occasion, a drunken
man was drowned on his way back from a beer run. So the CRAC-PC’s local
coordinators lifted the ban on alcohol and instead levied a tax on alcohol
sales and focused its efforts on preventing domestic violence and public
drunkenness.
While
out on patrol, Community Police Officers carry guns, which has led some people
to think that the CRAC-PC is an armed movement. The women
and men we spoke to were emphatic about not using weapons as a means of direct
confrontation.
“The government is one thing and we are another thing,” says Don
Armando. “Parallel, but different. But the ones that should confront the
government are civilians, not the community police. Because that might turn
into a war, and wars never end.”
During
its first years of existence, the results were quick and effective. Towns
within “communal territory” saw crime drop dramatically. “More and more
communities joined because people saw crime go down as much as 80 percent,”
says Don Guadalupe, as he remembers a famous foreign national who could not
boast of accomplishments like theirs.
“The government in Mexico City invited
that mayor from New York, what was his name…Giuliani? And he had to run away
because he could not do it. Instead of bringing people like that to Mexico they
should recognize what the CRAC-PC has done.”
Threatened
and embarrassed by the emergence of a parallel public safety apparatus in
Guerrero, the state government has repeatedly threatened to dismantle the
civilian project. But the massive support and citizen participation in the CRAC-PC has made such
intervention a political risk that ultimately, no state governor has been
willing, or able, to take.
In
fact, the CRAC-PC worked with a team of legal advisors who crafted a
law asserting that Guerrero’s indigenous communities, including Afro-Mexicans,
possessed a legitimate right to self-governance. Over time, the CRAC-PC’s legal team
built a consensus of lawmakers willing to support the initiative. Since its
passage in 2009, Guerrero’s Article 701 has provided a legal shield that
protects the CRAC-PC’s right to exist in the eyes of the law.
Members
of the CRAC-PC’s civilian
support base are unabashed about questioning the legitimacy of the Guerrero
state government, and yet their legal team has managed to craft a state law
that allows them to build their own parallel government. As one civilian CRAC-PC supporter put it,
it is part of a strategy of “indirect, not direct, resistance and
confrontation.”
During
Felipe Calderon’s presidency, the Mexican federal government accelerated its
so-called “War on Drugs” with disastrous results. Several high-ranking members
of drug trafficking organizations were killed or detained; yet the flow of
drugs was unaffected. The disruption in the chain of command had serious and adverse
consequences for ordinary Mexican citizens. Criminal organizations ramped up
alternative economic activities such as kidnapping and extortion to compensate
for their losses. Guerrero was one of the states hardest hit by the resulting
boom in criminal activities, but regions where the CRAC-PC operated were
largely spared from the epidemic.
In
fact, what the CRAC-PC calls “community territory”
swelled in size during this time, as new towns and villages searched for a way
to control the crime surge. By the beginning of 2013 over 100 communities were
affiliated with the CRAC, with five regional “Houses of
Justices” coordinating the activities of the civilian police force.
Paradoxically, the CRAC-PC’s success led to a series of
events which now pose serious challenges to its future.
In
January 2013, reporters from national and international press rushed to
Guerrero in search of a sensational new headline which had suddenly become
fashionable to cover. New so-called “self-defense groups,” unaffiliated with
the CRAC-PC were appearing in
the central region of the state. On the surface, their objectives seemed
similar to the CRAC-PC’s: patrol roads and communities
and provide justice when the state could not.
Journalists
from commercial and state media outlets were sent to capture photos of the new
self-defense offices posing in baklavas with high-powered rifles. And the young
men in the ranks of these new groups were more than willing to oblige. The boom
in coverage of Guerrero’s rural communities brought increased coverage to the CRAC-PC’s community
territory, but very little of that coverage distinguished the community police
from the self-defense groups.
For
Don Guadalupe, the difference is clear. “The self-defense groups only fight
crime with guns and violence in whatever place along the road they might find
it. The CRAC-PC is about building
a movement in the community.”
Throughout
the media boom that has followed, some journalists have talked about the CRAC-PC and the
self-defense groups interchangeably, referring to the CRAC-PC as a
“self-defense group” and making no mention of the citizen assemblies,
self-governance project, and system of restorative justice that gives substance
to the organization.
Since
then, articles on the self-defense groups in Guerrero appeared in international
news outlets from The New York Times to Al Jazeera. They gradually became more
and more sensationalist, posting pictures of armed men in pickup trucks with
headlines such as
“Vigilantes on the March in Guerrero” (The New York Times) or
“Mexico’s Militia Movement” and “Vigilantes Prowl Guerrero” (Al Jazeera).
Most
articles appearing in so-called alternative media in Mexico also tend to fixate
on images of armed men. Don Guadalupe became annoyed by the legions of
reporters trying to portray the CRAC-PC as something it was not.
“
Many
people came here and thought they were going to find ‘Rambo,’” he says. “And
anyway I don’t understand why the idea of Rambo is so interesting that they
would come here to see it. But we’re just simple, community people.”
For
nearly two decades the CRAC-PC fought crime without the aid of
the government, with scant coverage of their actions beyond the State of
Guerrero. The self-defense groups in Guerrero and neighboring Michoacan have
catapulted citizens’ efforts to fight crime into the headlines, without telling
the story of the community policing movement that preceded the newer
organizations.
Still,
growth of new self-defense organizations has had the unintentional result of
stimulating new membership in the CRAC-PC. One
unidentified man from the Afro-Mexican village of Barra de Teconapa on the
Guerrero coast told us that last year crime sky rocketed in his community.
“People came in and started stealing anything. The fish we caught, our outboard
motors, or our boats.” The town sought the help of one of the new self-defense
organizations. But the town saw that the group lacked organization and
planning, and operated without community involvement. “So we decided instead to
start working with the CRAC-PC, and now crime has gone
down a lot.” This man, along with several of his daughters, told me his story
as they volunteered to keep watch on Acatlan’s “Justice House.” The description
of new communities like his caused the CRAC-PC’s total
affiliation to over 180 towns and villages in the state.
The
CRAC-PC is also in the midst of resolving a serious
internal dispute over the leadership of the “House of Justice” in San Luis
Acatlan. Internal political conflicts are an inevitable part of any political
organization, and the CRAC-PC has already gone through,
and prevailed, through its own share of internal strife.
Don
Armando believes that this current internal conflict, as well as the creation
of new self-defense organizations, has been orchestrated by the state government
to divide the CRAC-PC. This same sentiment was echoed
among all the women and men of the House of Justice in San Luis Acatlan with
whom we spoke.
Many
of them believe that the motivation for dividing the town are the more than 50
mining concessions in indigenous territory that the federal government has
awarded to transnational companies since 2010.
Although
they have no smoking gun to prove it, supporters of the CRAC-PC
are convinced that the government is launching a strategy of “divide and
conquer” to facilitate the arrival of foreign mining companies. In Mexico,
underground mineral deposits are considered property of the federal government,
and their authority to grant mining concessions supersedes, in theory, the
rights of those who possess private and communal property on the surface. Among
the mining companies to whom the federal government has given mining
concessions in Guerrero are the Canadian companies Gold Corp. and Frallon
Mining.
All of the communities affiliated with the CRAC-PC
have rejected outright the possibility of allowing mining to occur in their
territory. The arrival of mining industries in other parts of the state has led
to massive contamination and disrupted traditional agriculture. The effective
operational structure of the CRAC-PC and its parallel
governmental functions make it the only organization capable of halting the
arrival of mining interests.
“That’s
why the government is so interested in dismantling the community police,” says
Don Armando.
The
CRAC-PC has also been increasingly willing to intervene
in cases of high-level political corruption, and has even arrested the mayors
of small towns and other elected officials. Some civilian CRAC-PC
supporters suggested that the state government is worried that the CRAC-PC will be increasingly capable of exposing corruption
within even higher levels of government
For
Don Guadalupe, Don Armando, and the other men and women that warmly received us
at the House of Justice, the lessons of their broad struggle also yield lessons
for their daily lives. The fight to maintain the CRAC-PC
has taught them to face down apathy, fear, and resignation, and transform those
feelings into hope, action, and strength.
Don
Armando always has a smile on his lips. He speaks as clearly and as elegantly as
running water. His wide-brimmed sombrero emits a sense of protection and
strength, as he reminds us that it was nothing less than 500 years of injustice
that obliged his community to learn how to protect itself and rebuild peace.
Perhaps their first task was something that might have been too great to
accomplish. But they did accomplish it, and now it is incumbent upon them to
rebuild the fabric of day-to-day living.
He
tells us, “We have to talk about building a different kind of development in
our communities, on our planet, to prevent destruction.” His words describe,
with absolute clarity, what some people have called “revolution,” or
“socialism,” or simply, “good living.”
The near absolute peace that they have built in their community has allowed them to visualize a more distant horizon than simply creating a community police force. Now they speak about and plan to build a new life for themselves. These most urgent objectives include planning a new kind of education, health system, improved diet and housing. In fact, the CRAC-PC has established commissions to work on all of these issues, despite the limited economic resources at their disposal. Other kinds of resources, like wisdom, talent, caring, generosity, and commitment are abundant.
“We lack resources,” says Don Guadalupe, with his serious and stern look. But he also explains enthusiastically about his community’s attempt to rediscover natural agriculture, without chemicals or fertilizers. “We are re-learning everything.” He and his wife explain to us how everyone in his community is taking on new skills, as mechanics, irrigation specialists, carpenters, doctors, and students of life itself. They tell us about their numerous new projects.
At the end of our conversation, Don Guadalupe says “We’ve fought against crime and violence in our communities. Now we have to fight against hunger.” These words describe the true long-term goals of the CRAC-PC, to take on collective tasks that face not only their community, but countless others in Mexico and Latin America. He speaks not only of the hunger of the body, but of the spirit, a thirst for justice, liberty, for mutual trust, and for hope.
With these simple words, and a gaze resting somewhere between their territory and the horizon ahead, the women and men of the CRAC-PC are building a plan and an agenda. Their idea of living well cannot be found by following a simple plan or recipe, but through a daily process of resistance and rebuilding.
They know intuitively that the road ahead will be long and will not be easy, but they also know it will be worth it. They have already accomplished much, and will most certainly be able to address some of their most urgent needs: Rebuilding unity within their organization, consolidating their plans for development, becoming autonomous in their financial resources, and establishing better communication with their supporters. They also must reinforce their system of direct democracy for transparency and reporting, debate and deliberation, and for making decisions and acting on them.
They are convinced that one of their greatest battles still lies ahead. It will not be easy to take on the alliance of large transnational mining companies and their allies in all levels of government. Maintaining unity as these forces attempt to sow divisions is another task that the CRAC-PC has told us they need to take on.
In San Luis Acatlan, and in all of Guerrero, the struggle continues to reconstruct and rebuild the commons - to recover land, water, and also the voice and will of the people to make decisions vital to their own destiny.
BE since you're big on tooting your own horn about, "BB ran the story first!" Let me toot mine. When BB was posting nothing but stories about the doc and the AD in Michoacan, I was requests for you to run stories about this effort in GRO, saying that state was as bad if not worse than Michoacan. However I was ignored for a while until I stopped including in those requests my opinion that Mireles wasn't forthcoming with his past. When it comes to GRO, you may have posted about the 43 fairly quickly, but on state overall, you were late to the party. The doc lust gave you tunnel vision
ReplyDeleteI will say that it was because of your comments that I did look to gro. Until the Devert kidnapping I did not have sources within gro. At that time I established sources. I even established Iguala sources and Taxco BEFORE September 26th. So I thank you, and tell everyone I always read suggestions and try my best but in areas like Gro, where news did not get out that was in depth as to what was happening, without solid sources we have no way to know what is real or fake.
DeleteWe were first in this story because we cared enough to begin reporting months prior.
Pinche Chivis, your humble and honest response, makes me feel like a jerk for even bringing it up. Anyways, I'm glad your doing it now, and better than most. Thanks
DeletePinche chivis thanks you,
Deletehave you see ezln new message about this? I am thinking of posting it.
I haven't seen the message but will look it up. i did see a story in proceso about the disappearance of 31 (secundaria) high school kids in Cocula that occurred a few months before the 43 went missing. supposedly the families of these missing 31 were afraid to report it because the kids were kidnapped at gunpoint by armed commandos (similar operation to the 43). i haven't seen this story anywhere else so not sure if Proceso is jumping the gun reporting stories based on hearsay; however they don't strike me as so sensationalist to just make stuff up to generate web traffic. if it they done it before, it would be nothing new to do it again with the 43....some things just easier with practice
DeleteYes I know, I do remember I posted about 31 or 32 bodies found in a fosa in August. When I have more time I will look it up and see if there is any connection.
Deletewhat happened with the 43+7 is not new, as you know, there is a long history of killings by authorities in collusion with narcos. Parents have begged for help by the feds but PGR has refused....in the last two administrations....saying "its a state issue.
Obviously, the area is not of value to Hispanic (white) Mexicans, otherwise they would have taken it by now.
ReplyDeleteThat's reality.
obviously you know nothing about the rich natural sources (gold etc) of gro.stolen by gob
DeleteGreat article, thank you.
ReplyDeleteMore such good and brave people and Mexico will be free
ReplyDeleteof Tutas, Zetas, other scum of the earth.
Great story. It is amazing. All they had to do is keep out the government that was corrupt, and voila. Real good people with real lives and dreams can do things for themselves. Sometimes government is the peoples worst enemy. Sometimes people know what is better for them, then someone in a far off place thinks they need. Nice to see a story where they are not being killed, extorted, tortured and kidnapped. But the government would like to change that I am sure. Heaven forbid that they can do things without the government.
ReplyDeleteAn indigenous G.O.P.
DeleteGreat reporting! Thanks
ReplyDeleteViva la gente común del Mexico !
ReplyDeleteThe government has started to work with progressive people dericated to development philosophers from the theology of progress and capitalist jesus, 15 passener vans seen around there did not appear by the wand of the holy ghost, IT IS ON, and if you believe otherwise, that is your prerrogative, what kind of people does not produce money for greedy government compadres?
ReplyDeleteI've just reread the article of Nov 7th ~ report from Olivera and Berger. Given the events this past week, would anyone like to shed some light on the CRAC-PC and autodefensas relationship? If CRAC-PC has been/was working so well for so long, why the need for a separate autodensa movement? Sorry, I'm missing some of the puzzle pieces here.
ReplyDelete