From a Proceso Article
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President Andrés López Obrador has extradited 341 alleged drug traffickers to the United States, an average of 62 per year, thereby meeting the extradition quota he committed to with Washington in the Bicentennial Agreement, according to a study by the organization Elementa DDHH.
In the report “Extraditing the Truth to Mexico,” the NGO revealed that according to documents obtained from the Guacamaya collective, while the Bicentennial Agreement was being negotiated, the Ministry of National Defense (SEDENA) guaranteed the U.S. authorities that Mexico would extradite 60 alleged drug traffickers to the US each year.
And this commitment was followed to the letter by López Obrador, who each year of his six-year term signed the extradition of 61.9 Mexicans on average, thus the exact number to meet the quota of 60.
These extraditions occurred “despite the non-interventionist rhetoric of President López Obrador, who, like his predecessors, contributed to the kingpin strategy,” which focuses on pursuing the leaders of criminal groups and not on fighting crime.
The report, which was coordinated by the Director of Elementa DDH, Adriana Muro, and the Director of the office in Mexico, Renata Demichelis, counted the extraditions to the United States that López Obrador signed from the beginning of his government until June of this year, which yielded an average of 5.1 each month.
López Obrador carried out fewer extraditions than Presidents Felipe Calderón (615) and Enrique Peña Nieto (421), but his vehement speech against interventionism contrasts with his collaboration with the United States not only in drug trafficking, but also in the issue of migration, in which Mexico has played a role in containing the flow of Latin American migrants.
According to Elementa DDHH, the United States' criminal drug policy, the cornerstone of which is extradition, "represents a benefit to the crisis of corruption and impunity that prevails in the justice institutions of our country."
This is because “current bilateral policy allows judicial responsibility to fall under the jurisdiction of the United States,” that is, the criminal process has been extradited to that country, which “makes it easier for Mexico to evade its responsibility to investigate and punish and weakens local institutions.”
The report by the human rights, security and drug policy NGO noted that government agencies in Mexico “are losing institutional memory and practical knowledge to process cases as relevant as those of Edgar Veytia (former Nayarit prosecutor), Genaro García Luna (former Secretary of Security) and (drug trafficker) Joaquín Guzmán Loera.”
It also encourages denunciations and alleged kidnappings of criminals in Mexican territory with the purpose of handing them over to the United States, as occurred last July with the historical leader of the Sinaloa Cartel, Ismael "El Mayo" Zambada, who was apparently kidnapped by Joaquín Guzmán López to negotiate an agreement with the Attorney General's Office of the neighboring country.
The NGO said that US prosecutors have encouraged negotiations to get an accused person to testify against a co-defendant or to support the government in pointing the finger at other people involved in criminal activities.
"This allows the spiral of persecution to continue in drug-producing countries without any concrete impact on the operation of the market," the report added.
In practice, what exists is a bureaucratic system in which anti-drug agencies, courts and prosecutors focus on inflating statistics to make it appear that they are fighting drugs and to increase their budgets.
“This is a political use of extraditions,” said the director of Elementa DDHH, Adriana Muro.
U.S. prosecutors and courts also don't care whether it is illegal for people to come to their country to face drug charges.
"In the case of Humberto Álvarez Machaín, related to the murder of DEA agent Enrique 'Kiki' Camarena, the U.S. Supreme Court validated his kidnapping in Mexican territory (which occurred in April 1990) prior to his transfer to the United States, which validates recent cases such as that of 'El Mayo' Zambada," the document stated.
He also argued that the extraterritorial judicial actions promoted by the DEA benefit both the objectives of US criminal policy and the impunity and corruption of the justice institutions in Mexico."
The NGO, with offices in Mexico and Colombia, deplored the fact that trials in the United States for drug crimes focus “on grams and substances, not on the lives of thousands of people affected by the war system of prohibition and the networks of corruption that allow the market to operate.”
Of 150 extradition cases reviewed by Elementa DDHH, only 3 resulted in sentences for crimes associated with victims.
“For the courts that judge drug crimes committed in Mexico, victims exist when they fulfill a role or for the criminal policy of the United States,” he said, adding that it is often forgotten that drug traffickers are also responsible for massive human rights violations.
The NGO called attention to the opacity of the Bicentennial Agreement, signed by the López Obrador government with the United States in 2021.
“The original agreement was not published and there are no freely accessible reports that demonstrate progress in its evaluation indicators,” said Elementa DDHH and warned that this agreement “has continued with the warlike and punitive model of prohibition in its objectives and indicators,” one of which is extraditions.
In the report “Extraditing the Truth to Mexico,” the NGO revealed that according to documents obtained from the Guacamaya collective, while the Bicentennial Agreement was being negotiated, the Ministry of National Defense (SEDENA) guaranteed the U.S. authorities that Mexico would extradite 60 alleged drug traffickers to the US each year.
And this commitment was followed to the letter by López Obrador, who each year of his six-year term signed the extradition of 61.9 Mexicans on average, thus the exact number to meet the quota of 60.
These extraditions occurred “despite the non-interventionist rhetoric of President López Obrador, who, like his predecessors, contributed to the kingpin strategy,” which focuses on pursuing the leaders of criminal groups and not on fighting crime.
The report, which was coordinated by the Director of Elementa DDH, Adriana Muro, and the Director of the office in Mexico, Renata Demichelis, counted the extraditions to the United States that López Obrador signed from the beginning of his government until June of this year, which yielded an average of 5.1 each month.
López Obrador carried out fewer extraditions than Presidents Felipe Calderón (615) and Enrique Peña Nieto (421), but his vehement speech against interventionism contrasts with his collaboration with the United States not only in drug trafficking, but also in the issue of migration, in which Mexico has played a role in containing the flow of Latin American migrants.
According to Elementa DDHH, the United States' criminal drug policy, the cornerstone of which is extradition, "represents a benefit to the crisis of corruption and impunity that prevails in the justice institutions of our country."
This is because “current bilateral policy allows judicial responsibility to fall under the jurisdiction of the United States,” that is, the criminal process has been extradited to that country, which “makes it easier for Mexico to evade its responsibility to investigate and punish and weakens local institutions.”
The report by the human rights, security and drug policy NGO noted that government agencies in Mexico “are losing institutional memory and practical knowledge to process cases as relevant as those of Edgar Veytia (former Nayarit prosecutor), Genaro García Luna (former Secretary of Security) and (drug trafficker) Joaquín Guzmán Loera.”
It also encourages denunciations and alleged kidnappings of criminals in Mexican territory with the purpose of handing them over to the United States, as occurred last July with the historical leader of the Sinaloa Cartel, Ismael "El Mayo" Zambada, who was apparently kidnapped by Joaquín Guzmán López to negotiate an agreement with the Attorney General's Office of the neighboring country.
The NGO said that US prosecutors have encouraged negotiations to get an accused person to testify against a co-defendant or to support the government in pointing the finger at other people involved in criminal activities.
"This allows the spiral of persecution to continue in drug-producing countries without any concrete impact on the operation of the market," the report added.
In practice, what exists is a bureaucratic system in which anti-drug agencies, courts and prosecutors focus on inflating statistics to make it appear that they are fighting drugs and to increase their budgets.
“This is a political use of extraditions,” said the director of Elementa DDHH, Adriana Muro.
U.S. prosecutors and courts also don't care whether it is illegal for people to come to their country to face drug charges.
"In the case of Humberto Álvarez Machaín, related to the murder of DEA agent Enrique 'Kiki' Camarena, the U.S. Supreme Court validated his kidnapping in Mexican territory (which occurred in April 1990) prior to his transfer to the United States, which validates recent cases such as that of 'El Mayo' Zambada," the document stated.
He also argued that the extraterritorial judicial actions promoted by the DEA benefit both the objectives of US criminal policy and the impunity and corruption of the justice institutions in Mexico."
The NGO, with offices in Mexico and Colombia, deplored the fact that trials in the United States for drug crimes focus “on grams and substances, not on the lives of thousands of people affected by the war system of prohibition and the networks of corruption that allow the market to operate.”
Of 150 extradition cases reviewed by Elementa DDHH, only 3 resulted in sentences for crimes associated with victims.
“For the courts that judge drug crimes committed in Mexico, victims exist when they fulfill a role or for the criminal policy of the United States,” he said, adding that it is often forgotten that drug traffickers are also responsible for massive human rights violations.
The NGO called attention to the opacity of the Bicentennial Agreement, signed by the López Obrador government with the United States in 2021.
“The original agreement was not published and there are no freely accessible reports that demonstrate progress in its evaluation indicators,” said Elementa DDHH and warned that this agreement “has continued with the warlike and punitive model of prohibition in its objectives and indicators,” one of which is extraditions.
Source Elementa DDHH, Proceso
He did this in return for what? Nothing is done for free in MX, nothing.
ReplyDeleteMillions in aid is given to Mexico, to fight the war on drugs, weather it's working or not. You're right they would not be cooperating for free.
DeleteConfirmation that Z40 and Z42 are american alphabet agencies assets. Since they still control their cartel intel freely flows to the American agencies and they can live much more comfortably in a Mexican prison system than the American system! Of course, $$$ pads the accounts of Mexican officials too!
Delete1:31 pm los Treviño traen con queso $$$ simple y sencillo por eso no los extraditan
DeleteJoaquin and Mario don't count as extradited . They turned themselves in.
ReplyDeleteRIP Gilbertona
10:48 Mario does not count because he's Cuban, plus he has been in the USA before, remember once a cuban touches USA soil he becomes a citizen of the USA, so pretty much he went back to one of his two countries
DeleteNot quite a US Citizen. They're given legal status for 5 years. If they commit felonies they can be deported back to Cuba through a gate at Gitmo.
DeleteRemember too with convictions they can't naturalize. They're amenable to removal.
He met it, with being a crybaby.😭
ReplyDeleteIt's in the framework to follow policy, with each president standing, weather they like it or not.
Did the cartels and criminals know he had a greed to quotas on extradition with the US? I could see this resulting in an assassination attempt.
ReplyDeleteAnimo Sicarios !
ReplyDeleteVery soon there will be peace in Sinaloa. A new unit of Special Forces Tier 1 Chapiza Operators has arrived. This Combat Application Alpha Groups are known as " Los Mata Sombreros "
Arriba los Patrones JGL El Raton Ivan Y Alfredito y JGL jr
11:40 when both Gilbertona factions realize. That both sides snitch and betray each other . They will have peace .
DeleteRIP Gilbertona
Pues vale más que hagan algo porque les están dando en la madre. Pobres 🍕 no tienen ni para adonde hacerse. Si le dan para adelante les dan plomo los 🤠. Si le dan para atrás les dan plomo sus jefes. Así está bien cabron. A ver cuanto tiempo les aguanta la gente.
DeleteA Valerio ellos mismo se lo quebraron. El se quiso meter a todos los pueblos de los 🤠 pero la gente de los poblados de unieron con los 🤠 I no dejaron que se les metieran las 🍕.
Valerio fue a decirles a sus jefes que hicieran algo porque se les estaba volteando la gente porque a la 🍕 lo ven toda la raza como una plaga y ellos mismos le dieron salida a Valerio. Así como, está bien cabron.
the hat killers. amazing
DeleteYa callate pendejo.
DeleteWill the Mossad trained top tier operators be arriving at 24:01, same time you hand glided like Hamas into the Sinaloan sierra?
DeleteExcept for maybe Los Cuinis and dare I say.. Los Trevinos?
ReplyDeleteLMAO AMLO
Bending over for the big guy. Mexico will do what they’re told.
ReplyDeleteOuch 🥵
DeleteMexico will always be the US's bitch
ReplyDeleteWell they did lose the US/Mexican war
You think there was no consequences?
US owns Mexico
That's Koo foo
DeleteAll the AMLO haters are popping up. He's doing more in the span of a few years that PAN or PRI has EVER done in the history of Mexico's bullshit two party system.
ReplyDeleteGotta get those amateur numbers up AMLO, let's end this month with 150 extraditions!!
ReplyDelete